Ο Fidel Agcaoili του Φιλιππινέζιου ΚΚ επιτίθεται στον Pierre Rousset, 1/4/2005. Βλ. απάντηση του τελευταίου: "What can we learn from Fidel Agcaoili’s “Rejoinder”?", 10/5/2005
1 April 2005
the Philippine revolutionary movement led by the Communist Party of the
Philippines (CPP) were so inhuman as French Trotskyite Pierre Rousset wishes to
depict it in his latest diatribe against the movement and the CPP, "The
CPP-NPA-NDF Hit List - A Preliminary Report", why is it that this same
movement continues to get wide support from the people and is considered by the
Philippine puppet state as the biggest threat to its reactionary rule? The
Filipino people's own judgment is a more reliable yardstick for judging the
Philippine revolutionary movement rather than some arm-chair activist long
ensconced as a staffer in a cozy office at the European parliament.
Rousset has made a career out of attacking and trying to discredit the
Philippine revolutionary movement. Among others, he has written 3 articles
focusing on the so-called "assassination policy" of the CPP making
general assertions bereft of any credible evidence. His latest piece, the fourth
on the subject, which he considers still "preliminary" merely repeats
his old assertions. His lies have no effect in the Philippines and it would have
been all right just to ignore them. But we take the time to answer him because
his lies can mislead people abroad who may not have the benefit of knowing the
facts on the ground.
Pierre Rousset rants about the non-existent "assassination policy" of
the CPP, the Philippine state has actually gone berserk assassinating leaders
and activists of open mass organizations and political parties tagged by the
Philippine military as "CPP fronts". From January to March alone this
year, 34 leaders and members of progressive organizations including a priest
have been killed in death-squad-style operations and five others kidnapped and
are still missing up to the present. A well-respected lawyer serving as chief
legal counsel for the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) in the
peace negotiations between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines
(GRP) and the NDFP, UN ad litem Judge Romeo T. Capulong, has been the target of
an assassination attempt.
might wonder why none of the groups anointed by Pierre Rousset as
"independent revolutionary Left parties" have been attacked by the
Philippine military. One might also wonder why none of them has raised even a
squeak against the latest spate of state-sponsored killings.
things begin to clear up when an armed grouping considered by Pierre Rousset as
an "independent revolutionary Left party", RPM-P/RPA-ABB, boasts of
having carried out the cold-blooded murder of a BAYAN MUNA leader, Romeo
Sanchez, in northern Luzon. This same "independent revolutionary Left
Party" openly admitted recently to have coordinated with the Philippine
Army in attacking a New People's Army (NPA) camp in Negros, southern
Philippines. Talk of "independence"!
Pierre Rousset is quite a tricky fellow. He focuses on the so-called
"assassination policy" of the CPP under the heading "The global
picture". If you are not careful you would think that the CPP does nothing
except kill and threaten its ideological opponents. To really get the global
picture about the CPP and the Philippine revolution, we invite the reader to
visit the website: http://www.philippinerevolution.org/.
of the so-called "independent revolutionary Left Parties" mentioned by
Pierre Rousset sneaked out of the Communist Party of the Philippines when the
CPP decided to rectify erroneous policies in the 80's that had resulted in the
weakening of the revolutionary movement. These errors consisted of pushing for
early military victory through artificial means like combining mass protest
actions in the cities with burning of buses and bombing of government
installations to "create a revolutionary crisis", and embarking on a
premature regularization of the people's army and unsustainable kind of
intensifying of guerrilla warfare in the countryside. The Party also decided to
denounce and rectify the so-called anti-DPA campaigns such as Kampanyang AHOS
that victimized many Party members and mass activists.
main proponents behind these errors like Arturo Tabara, Romulo Kintanar, Filemon
Lagman, Ricardo Reyes and Benjamin de Vera refused to follow the Party's
decision to criticize and repudiate these errors and separated themselves from
the CPP with their factions and stole CPP assets. Upon leaving the Party, these
factions tried but failed to form a common front. Apparently, the only thing
they had in common was their opposition to the CPP.
course, Pierre Rousset does not want any discussion on the real nature of these
break-away factions. For him, the "real issue is the right of a pluralist
and revolutionary Left to exist in the Philippines." Here, we have the real
agenda of Trotskyite Pierre Rousset. What is after all the life's mission of any
dyed-in-the-wool Trotskyite but to applaud and instigate splits within the
revolutionary movement? The original Trotsky advocated "freedom of
factions" to instigate splits inside the Communist Party in Russia. The new
Trotskys advocate "pluralism" to instigate splits in the Left. What
Pierre Rousset actually wants is a fragmented and collaborationist
general policy of the CPP with regard to these breakaway groups has been to
struggle with them ideologically and politically to minimize the damage they can
create in sowing disunity and confusion among the people in their life and death
struggle against the reactionary ruling system in the Philippines. It is of
course a different matter if some of these groups or individuals belonging to
these groups engage in criminal activities, such as acting as spies or as death
squads for the Philippine military intelligence services.
us now take up Rousset's favorite cases:
Arturo Tabara and his group, the RPM-P/RPA-ABB. The RPM-P/RPA-ABB is a merger of
a breakaway group in Negros Island that took the name Revolutionary Proletarian
Army (RPA) and a splinter of the Alex Boncayao Brigade (ABB) that used to
operate in Metro-Manila under Filemon Lagman and Nilo de la Cruz.
ABB under Lagman and de la Cruz (with the blessings of Romulo Kintanar, who was
then a high official of the NPA) carried out indiscriminate killings of more
than 200 policemen (including traffic policemen). The reactionary military and
police took advantge of this error to make a violent counterattack on activists
and leaders of popular organizations of the urban poor and Bagong Alyansang
Makabayan (BAYAN) in Metro-Manila. Lagman and de la Cruz also promoted the line
of insurrection in the cities that consisted of combining mass protest actions
with burning of buses and bombing of public installations.
leaving the CPP, the two parted ways and quarreled over the division of some 80
million of pesos of bribe money from a real estate developer for their role in
facilitating the ejection of urban poor families from a piece of real estate the
developer wanted to convert into a commercial area. This quarrel led to the
killing of Lagman. Despite all evidence, Pierre Rousset insists that the CPP is
responsible for Lagman's murder. We advise him to ask the brother of Filemon
Lagman himself who he thinks is the real killer.
Tabara's RPA on the other hand has been acting as special death squads of the
state and as armed goons for big landlords in Negros, the biggest being the old
Marcos-crony Eduardo Cojuangco. This group recently boasted of killing 9 NPA
fighters (actually 2 NPA fighters were killed) in an attack on an NPA camp
coordinated with the Philippine Army's 61st Infantry Battalion. This attack is
part of ongoing military operations of the Philippine Army intended to clear the
way for the resumption of operations of foreign mining companies in the area.
The peasant masses are opposed to the operation of these mining companies
because of the destruction they bring on their farms and fishing grounds.
RPA-ABB has been conveniently "deputized" by the governor of Negros
Oriental Jorge Arnaiz as "forest guards", in fact, special death
squads, to protect -- not the forest -- but the foreign mining companies. A
human rights organization in Negros has called the RPA-ABB a "special armed
gang" of Governor Arnaiz (a local warlord in his own right) and the
paramilitary arm of the Philippine Army in its "counter-insurgency"
RPA-ABB has also claimed responsibility for the killing of Romeo Sanchez on 9
March 2005 in Baguio City. Sanchez was the regional coordinator of Bayan Muna
political party tagged by the military as a "CPP front". He was a
media man and the director-general of the UNESCO has condemned the killing and
other unsolved killings of journalists in the Philippines.
for Arturo Tabara, top dog of the RPM-P/RPA-ABB, he had become an agent of the
Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (ISAFP). As a
specail psy-war agent, he belonged to the enemy armed forces and under
international law was an armed combatant and a legitimate military target. Any
armed companion of his also became liable in any shooting situation.
Conrado Balweg and the Cordillera People's Liberation Army (CPLA). Balweg left
the NPA and formed the CPLA after the overthrow of Marcos in 1986. He came under
the influenced of Agapito Aquino, brother-in-law of Corazon Aquino. He later
surrendered to the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and his
CPLA was integrated into the GRP's paramilitary, the Citizens' Armed Forces
Geographical Unit (CAFGU). As part of the CAFGU, the CPLA conducted military
operations against the NPA and abused the people, even killing some tribal
leaders. Balweg and his CPLA naturally became legitimate military targets. The
CPLA has now reportedly fragmented into four smaller factions.
Leopoldo Mabilangan. He was never head of the NPA Banahaw Command as
Rousset asserts. He became its spokesperson during negotiations for the release
of five army officers taken as prisoners of war by the NPA. He later deserted
the NPA and surrendered to the GRP when he was being investigated for harboring
the Red Scorpion Group, a kidnap-for-ransom gang. A local politician-warlord
took him under his protection. He turned into an armed government agent and was
active in psywar campaigns calling for the surrender of NPA fighters and in
setting up government-funded fake cooperatives to draw the peasant masses away
from the revolutionary struggle. Eduardo Borromeo, a friend of Leopoldo
Mabilangan, was engaged in similar activities and was an armed enemy of the NPA.
The AKBAYAN/Peace Foundation/Task Force Bondoc Peninsula grouping. During the
campaign period for the 2004 elections, AKBAYAN joined in the chorus of
red-baiting against progressive party-lists -- Bayan Muna, Anakpawis, Anak ng
Bayan, Gabriela Women's Party, Migrante Party List, and Suara - orchestrated by
the right-wing bureaucrat National Security Adviser Norberto Gonzales.
by the strong showing of these party-lists in pre-election surveys, the
Macapagal-Arroyo regime did everything to disenfranchise and discredit these
party-list groups. Norberto Gonzales personally went to the office of the GRP
Commission on Elections and tried to block the registration of these parties on
the pretext that these were "CPP front organizations." In the course
of the election campaign, leaders and activists belonging to these party-list
groups suffered harassment and physical attacks from the Philippine Army and
government-backed paramilitary groups. 14 were killed (10 from Bayan Muna, 3
from Anakpawis and 1 from Gabriela), 3 Bayan Muna leaders were disappeared, one
office was raided, and another nearly burned through arson. GRP soldiers
intimidated people especially in the countryside from voting for these
progressive party-list groups and openly campaigned for AKBAYAN and other
administration parties. The military reported having killed 117 people in the
countryside and alleged that 55 of them were political supporters and 62 were
members of the New People's Army.
Foundation/Task Force Bondoc Peninsula was set up by Manuel Quiambao who used to
be in the Peasant Secretariat of the CPP. While in the CPP, he pushed for
"left" tactics of land occupations and peasant uprisings that were
premature and unsustainable. After he left the CPP, he veered to the right
begging the landlord-dominated Philippine government to distribute land through
the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law (CARL) passed in 1987 during the term of
big-landlord Corazon Aquino. Her family owns the Hacienda Luisita that has
escaped expropriation through the "stock option" swindle and other
loopholes deliberately inserted by landlord congressmen in the CARL.
Foundation/Task Force Bondoc Peninsula has been trying to organize peasants in
the Bondoc Peninsula in Southern Quezon around the promise of "land"
transfer through the CARL. Surely, they are just out to hoodwink the peasant
masses. (In fact, "certificates of land transfer" and
"certificates of land ownership amortization" previously distributed
are now being nullified simply through land reclassification on a national
Tejeno, whom Rousset describes as a peasant leader, is a member of a
paramilitary unit attached to the 74th Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army
based in Barrio Ajos, Catanauan, Quezon in the Bondoc Peninsula. A barrio
official has testified that he saw Dioscoro Tejeno in June 2004 in Barrio San
Vicente, San Narciso, Quezon, wearing fatigue uniform and carrying an M-16 rifle
in the company of 20 soldiers belonging to the 74th IB/PA.
Tejeno's own niece, Prescy Tejeno Melendrez has testified to having seen
Disocoro together with other members of the "peasant association" of
the Peace/Bondoc Development program, Roger Tejeno, Jesus Tayactac, Eugene Vivar
and Herman Valiente, carrying pistols and rifles placed inside sacks for rice.
four are now facing the charge of murder in the GRP Municipal Circuit Trial
Court of San Narciso-Buenavista for the killing of Paulo Tejeno, Dioscoro's own
brother, whom Dioscoro has falsely accused of being an NPA member. The victim
was "expelled" in 2001 from the Peace/Bondoc Development Program
"peasant association" by Dioscoro and company because he criticized
the latter's anti-social activities like the slaughter of the work-horse of a
barrio resident and their cattle-rustling activities. Dioscoro and the four
suspects in the murder of Paulo Tejeno are now reportedly hiding in the office
of the Peace Foundation in Metro-Manila.
mentions the cases of Lito Bayudang and Florente Ocmen, supposedofficers of
Akbayan killed by the NPA. According to reports we received, Lito Bayudan not
"Bayudang" was a former NPA member who later became one of the ring
leaders of the Red Vigilante Group, a paramilitary group of the Philippine Army.
This paramilitary group also maintains links with the RPA-ABB. Florente Ocmen on
the other hand was charged and found guilty by a people's court in two rape
cases. These are the types of people Akbayan touts as its officers - one a death
squad member, the other, a rapist!
Romulo Kintanar. He was an intelligence agent of the Manila government's
military and police since 1992. As such he was a combatant in the ongoing civil
war between the GRP and the revolutionary movement of the Filipino people,
represented by the NDFP in peace negotiations between the GRP and the NDFP.
less than GRP President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo confirmed that Kintanar was an
intelligence agent of the Manila government. The Philippine Star on 27 January
2003 reported in its banner story, NPA Admits Kintanar Slay: "President
Arroyo confirmed that Kintanar was working as a government intelligence agent at
the time of his assassination."
on 23 January 2003, an official in Arroyo's Malacanang Palace said Kintanar was
"a consultant of the Philippine National Police (PNP) and Armed Forces of
the Philippines (AFP), but was drawing his salary from the Bureau of Immigration
and Deportation (BID)" (Philippine Daily Inquirer, Breaking News, 24
January 2003, Communist Party Chief Blamed for Slay of Former NPA Head). He was
also a security consultant to the National Electrification Administration (NEA)
at the time of his death.
to recruit Kintanar into the military intelligence were successfully carried out
in the period of March to August 1992 when PNP intelligence officer Col. Robert
Delfin faked the arrest of his asset Ricardo Reyes, a renegade expelled from the
CPP more than a decade ago, and put him in the same detention cell as Kintanar
in order to turn him against the revolutionary movement.
his release from prison through an amnesty program of the Manila government in
September 1992, Kintanar made known his separation from the CPP. He started to
work for the intelligence services of the GRP and also became thoroughly
involved in the criminal world of corrupt military and police officers engaging
in protection rackets, armed robbery, kidnapping and murder for hire, even
putting up his own private security agency (Philippine Daily Inquirer, 24
January 2003, Ibid) as cover for his nefarious activities.
together with his uncle, Gen. Galileo Kintanar, former head of the Intelligence
Service of the AFP (ISAFP) during the Marcos regime, was linked to the murder of
movie star Nida Blanca and was known to facilitate transactions with the
military and police for a fee. Two days before his death Kintanar was one of the
special guests of PNP chief General Hermogenes Ebdane at the 12th founding
anniversary of the National Capital Regional Police Office (NCRPO), hobnobbing
with top police officers (The Philippine Star, 24 January 2003, Ex-NPA Chieftain
Slain). Also another special guest was Arturo Tabara, who was the chieftain of
the RPA gang, a security force of big landlord and Marcos crony Eduardo
Cojuangco in Negros Occidental.
2000, after becoming security consultant to Gen. Alexander Aguirre, former
President Joseph Estrada's national security adviser, Kintanar was designated
project officer in an assassination plot against Prof. Jose Maria Sison in the
Netherlands. He followed the direction of Gen. Panfilo Lacson, head of the PNP
at the time. (Manila Times, 24 January 2003, Ex-NPA Chief assassinated Inside QC
Restaurant) He also took part in surveillance and other
"counter-insurgency" operations by the military and police against the
CPP and NPA.
the time of his death, Kintanar was with two bodyguards and was personally armed
with three guns: a .45 caliber pistol, an HK machine pistol and a Glock 9mm
pistol (Philippine Daily Inquirer, 6 February 2003, Kintanar lost Rolex, Cash, 3
Guns, Golf Set). As an intelligence agent of the GRP, he was always ready for
combat against the revolutionary movement.
was definitely a combatant. He was fully armed and dangerous at the time of his
death. These facts are well known in the Philippines. But some groups and
individuals abroad like Pierre Rousset would rather peddle lies than tell the
truth about events in the Philippines in their vicious scheme to malign the
Philippine revolutionary movement.
MLPP/RHB: An armed grouping that broke away from the NPA and operates in some
parts of Central Luzon. They have engaged the NPA in combat. The alleged
"killings of unarmed organizers of MLPP/RHB" mentioned by Pierre
Rousset are actually the result of armed encounters between MLPP/RHB and the
RPM-M/RPA: A small breakaway armed group operating in a limited area in Central
Mindanao. This is another anti-communist armed group similar to the RPM-P/RPA
and the MLPP/RHB. Pierre Rousset's Ligue Communiste Revolutionaire has bilateral
relations with this armed group.
regard to the other groups like Siglaya, Alab Katipunan, Bisig, BMP, IPD,
Pandayan, Sanlakas, etc., the CPP wages ideological and political struggle in
the nature of struggle of ideas vis-à-vis these groups. The CPP and its allied
organizations go to the people to explain to them the dangers of reformism and
"left" revolutionism advocated by some of these groups that can derail
or hinder the further advance of the people's struggle.
diagram of counterrevolutionary and pseudo-progressive organizations and their
international connections published in the December issue of Ang Bayan, the
official news organ of the CPP, is part of the effort to explain to the members
of the Party and allied organizations and to the Filipino people about the
nature of these groups.
Bello turned this diagram into a CPP "hit-list" and went into a
frenzy, jet-setting all over the globe spitting poison against the CPP and
red-baiting people's organizations in the legal democratic movement. Pierre
Rousset was quick to pick up the canard and add his own twists.
word about Trotskyites. These pseudo-revolutionaries who have never led any real
revolution try to insert themselves into the people's movement by riding on
popular issues. At worst, like Trotsky himself, they receive funds from the
imperialists to specialize in penetrating progressive movements and attacking
communist parties. They pretend to be Left when in fact they are Right.
good example of Trotskyite counterrevolutionary activity is pretending to be for
a broad movement like the ATTAC project in Europe. But the ultimate narrow
objective of the Trotskyites is to bring the movement to a cul de sac of
reformism and anti-communism. If only to lead people astray, they exaggerate
expectations that the Tobin tax, a tax of 0.1-0.25% on currency trade around the
globe would be collected by the state and spent for preventing global warming,
disease and poverty.
propose to ATTAC only a teeny-weeny bit of the transactions of Finance capital
and to leave the rest intact. A very fine proposal indeed to plead to the
conscience of the monopoly bourgeoisie while making imperialist plunder
palatable to the oppressed and exploited workers and peoples of the world! And
yet the proposal is really a lot of hot air because it all depends on reformist
begging which the monopoly bourgeoisie can ignore easily.
Email address: firstname.lastname@example.org
Ο Fidel Agcaoili του Φιλιππινέζιου ΚΚ επιτίθεται στον Pierre Rousset, 1/4/2005. Βλ. απάντηση του τελευταίου: "What can we learn from Fidel Agcaoili’s “Rejoinder”?", 10/5/2005